Guardian
Jonathan Steele in Tehran
Saturday March 23, 2002

Hamid Jalaipour points at the masthead of Bonyan, the latest newspaper
he has founded. "Issue 26 and we haven't been closed," he says.
This is something of an achievement; his last two ventures were shut almost
at birth.
With a circulation of 150,000, it is already the Tehran
intelligentsia's favourite read and Mr Jalaipour has
become a symbol of Iran's reformist camp two months
after President Bush's "axis of evil" speech
linked Iran with Iraq and North Korea.
It is a startling reversal so soon after Mr Bush's
speech undermined President Mohammad Khatami's outward-looking
foreign policy and handed Iran's hardliners a propaganda
coup. The reformists have begun to move on to the
offensive," says Bijan Khajehpour, another liberal
publisher.
The speech produced unity. Iranians felt insulted
to be twinned with Iraq, and although a few upper-class
pre-revolution survivors muttered, "Great if
the Americans bomb this lot out of power," most
felt a US attack would be an outrage.
But soon the old divisions re-emerged. The conservatives
argue that the reformers should accept Islamic discipline
again. The reformers say that the best way to forestall
a US attack is to enhance the system's legitimacy
by increasing democracy.
They are even urging the government to extend President
Khatami's international "dialogue" by ending
its rejectionist line on Israel. The best proof of
change here, they say, would be full Iranian support
for Crown Prince Abdullah's peace plan.
The image of Iran as a fundamentalist tyranny where
women are the largest group of victims is out of date.
Not only do they enjoy more social rights than women
in many of America's allied nations, from Saudi Arabia
to the Gulf States, the level of public political
debate is wide.
"In the Shah's time, Savak [the secret police] would have had you
round for a warning next morning if you said anything critical. Nowadays
these people do nothing," says a literary figure who is no friend
of the regime.
Pressure on dissidents persists. Siamak Pourzand, a journalist imprisoned
for over a year, pleaded guilty last week to charges of plotting a coup.
His family say he has been tortured into a false confession. But three
other journalists have been released on bail, along with other members
of their group of liberal nationalists.
The argument between the Islamists and the secularisers continues in
various degrees of code. This year the Iranian New Year on March 21 fell
within the month of mourning for the Prophet's grandson, the Shi'ites
spiritual founder, who was killed by Sunni enemies. But young people,
who are otherwise non-political, have been out in the streets, celebrating
the New Year as an authentic festival from Zoroastrian times, which predate
imported Islam.
The reformists say the "states within a state" are undermining
Iran's foreign policy. They cite the seizure of Iranian weapons on route
to Gaza by Israeli gunboats. The shipment seems to have been authorised
by Revolutionary Guards. MPs in the reformist-dominated parliament opened
an investigation and the reformist press says there are 60 jetties in
Iranian ports which are outside customs' control.
At a meeting of the national security Council after the Bush speech,
the religious hardliners, according to Mr Khajehpour, tried to declare
a state of emergency. It was rejected and the council drafted a national
plan for reconciliation and revived a bill to give amnesty to all political
detainees.
"Iranian society has moved from a mass structure to a pluralistic
one. The hardliners don't have enough social ground any more," says
Hamid Jalaipour, who is a former Revolutionary Guard.
He even says Mr Khatami should extend his efforts
to build relations with the EU to the US. There is
little chance of that. "The United States is
not ready to change its hostile attitude to Iran.
They should first show some sincerity, and recognise
their policies over the last two decades have been
wrong," Hamid Reza Asefi, the foreign ministry
spokesman told the Guardian.
Although the Bush speech has put back the prospect
of an opening to Washington, it has not damaged the
campaign for internal reform as much as first seemed
likely. The fact that Iran's handful of liberal publishers
now feel more optimistic than they did a year ago
is a significant shift.
© 2003 All Rights Reserved. Atieh Bahar Consulting.
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