Yet Iran has a surprising weakness: Its oil and gas industry, the
lifeblood of its economy, is showing serious signs of distress. As
domestic energy consumption skyrockets, Iran is struggling to
produce enough oil and gas for export. Unless Tehran overhauls its
policies, its primary source of revenue and the basis of its
geopolitical muscle could start to wane. Within a decade, says Saad
Rahim, an analyst at Washington consultancy PFC Energy, "Iran's net
crude exports could fall to zero."
That's not to say Iran doesn't have abundant resources. The
country's 137 billion barrels of oil reserves are second only to
Saudi Arabia's, and its supply of gas trails only Russia's,
according to the BP Statistical
Review of World Energy. Getting it all out of the ground,
though, is another matter. Iran has been producing just 3.9 million
barrels of oil a day this year, 5% below its OPEC quota, because of
delays in new projects and a shortage of technical skills. By
contrast, in 1974, five years before the Islamic Revolution, Iran
pumped 6.1 million barrels daily.
The situation could get even tougher for the National Iranian Oil
Co. (NIOC), which is responsible for all of Iran's output. Without
substantial upgrades in facilities, production at Iran's core
fields, several of which date from the 1920s, could go into a
precipitous decline. In September, Oil Minister Kazem Vaziri-Hamaneh
suggested that with no new investment, output from Iran's fields
would fall by about 13% a year, roughly twice the rate that outside
oil experts had expected. "NIOC is likely to find that even
maintaining the status quo is a mounting challenge," says PFC
Energy's Rahim.
STATE HANDOUTS
Iran's looming crisis is the result of years of neglect and
underinvestment. As in other oil-producing countries such as
Venezuela and Mexico, the government treats the oil industry as a
cash cow, milking its revenues for social programs. It allocates
only $3 billion a year for investment, less than a third of what's
needed to get production growing again.
Compounding the pressure are policies that encourage profligate
energy use. Gasoline prices are set at 35 cents a gallon, which has
helped fuel 10%-plus annual growth in consumption, PFC Energy
figures. The national thirst for gasoline far outstrips domestic
refining capacity, so Iran will import about $5 billion in gasoline
this year, or about 40% of its needs. The government is planning a
$16 billion refinery building program to boost capacity by 60%. But
unless Iran raises fuel prices, the new plants will just mean more
consumption.
An oil squeeze could spell trouble for President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
The populist leader has won backing at home through generous
handouts. Ahmadinejad has ratcheted up public spending this year by
21%, to $213 billion, on everything from aid to rural areas to
housing loans for newlyweds. He has also promised some $16 billion
in outlays from a special $30 billion fund set up to tide Iranians
through future hard times. Without a healthy oil sector, Iran's
social spending could bust the national budget--and reignite
inflation.
Iran badly needs fresh foreign investment to shore up the oil
industry. Tehran has attracted some $20 billion in funding for oil
and gas projects since 1995 from overseas companies including Royal
Dutch/Shell Group (RD
), France's Total (TOT
), and Norway's Statoil. But new investment has largely dried up in
recent years because of lingering worries about the risk of war with
the U.S. and disenchantment with Iran's tightfisted terms. Outsiders
are offered contracts only to drill wells--rather than operate
fields--and get just a small share of profits from output. For
instance, Italian oil giant ENI (ENI
), a fixture in Iran since 1957, produces about 35,000 barrels per
day but doesn't expect to get any bigger. "Unless international
sanctions are imposed on Iran and the Italian government directs ENI
to abide by them, we are committed to staying," says ENI Chief
Executive Paolo Scaroni. "However, in order to increase our presence
there, contractual terms for oil companies need to change."
Endless haggling and delays have set back some of Iran's biggest oil
initiatives. One top priority had been the Azagedan field in
southern Iran, which is expected eventually to produce 260,000
barrels a day. But in October, Tehran scrapped a $2 billion
contract, agreed to in 2004, with Japan's Inpex to develop the
project. And Shell's $800 million Soroush/Nowrooz project in the
Persian Gulf has been plagued by cost overruns and technical
glitches. In January, meanwhile, Statoil wrote down the entire $329
million book value of its South Pars project because of
"productivity and quality problems" with a local contractor.
GLACIAL PACE
It's not just oil that Iran is failing to exploit. The glacial pace
of negotiations is also making it fall behind neighboring Qatar in
exploiting the huge offshore gas field that the two countries share.
While Qatar has signed up the likes of ExxonMobil (XOM
) and Shell to develop the site, Iran's talks with Total and Shell
have progressed far more slowly. Iran is now a net importer of gas,
a situation not expected to reverse before 2010.
Foreign energy companies are lobbying the Iranians to change.
Executives say they would like longer contracts, which would give
them more control and might boost returns. But progress is slow as
many Iranian officials are reluctant to give foreigners terms that
might be judged too favorable. "There are indications of movement,
but how far and how deep it goes is anyone's guess," an oil
executive says.
Can Iran fix its energy conundrum? Some experts are betting
Tehran will get its act together sooner rather than later. Iran was
able to boost production from 1.2 million barrels a day during the
1980-88 war with Iraq to nearly 4 million barrels with almost no
foreign help, notes Bijan Khajepour, chairman of Tehran's Atieh
Bahar Consulting, which advises oil companies. He thinks Iran should
be able to sustain current production for the next decade. Even so,
if Tehran doesn't face up to the woes of its oil industry, Iran may
find itself in the unusual position of sharing the West's angst over
growing dependence on imported oil.